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Challenging and changing social norms has been at the heart of MV Foundation’s (MVF) work since 1991 when it started its programme on child labour and education in rural Andhra Pradesh, India. Child labour was rampant at that time, and school attendance was low. Turning this situation around posed a challenge, given the organization’s objective to universalize education and eradicate child labour in its entirety in its programme areas. It required the conceptualization and development of strategies to tackle harmful societal prac

tices that prevented the realization of these objectives.

The Ika Chaalu project builds on this experience to engage with the social norms that get in the way of realizing universal education rights for all adolescent girls.


The genesis of the social norms approach

From the outset, MVF took an uncompromising position that child labour in all its forms – be it wage work or non-wage work; trafficked or forced labour; hazardous, non-hazardous or worst forms of child labour; work for one’s own family or for an employer - is unacceptable and that all children must enjoy their right to education and protection from labour. As long as there were any children out of school, they would be available on standby to contribute to the labour force. This was equally true for girls who were out of school and who worked at home performing domestic chores. Thus, all children who were out of school were considered to be child labour as MVF saw an inextricable link between the elimination of child labour and children enjoying their right to education. MVF took this as a non-negotiable principle that would guide its work.

This uncompromising stand was at odds with the normative expectations of the society at large i.e., that poor children must work to feed their families and that they would be better off learning traditional skills as the formal education system had neither the quality, nor any relevance to their lives. The education policy of the State was in consonance with this regressive societal norm and prescribed non-formal education for working children so that they could ‘earn and learn’. The schools also gave a clear message that they were not serious about enrolling and teaching poor children, and further, the legal and policy framework gave legitimacy to the existence of child labour by prohibiting only some forms of child labour. The view that child labour was ‘normal’ and ‘inevitable’ was deeply entrenched at all levels of society - rich and poor, elite and subalterns - as well as at the level of the State. Poor parents did exactly what was expected of them: they gave up on their children’s education and put them to work. This dire combination of regressive social norms and enabling policy framework played a hegemonic role in child labour being regarded as normal and in reproducing structures of domination and oppression.

Changing that status quo for children required replacing the existing social norm that condoned child labour with a new norm that all children had rights that had to be protected under all circumstances. The rights-based discourse fits well into MVF’s own principles of universality, equality and non-discrimination. The objective was that no child should be at work and all children should be in formal, full-time school. No distinction was made on the basis of caste, gender or any other form of exclusion or deprivation. This meant that the entire community had to transcend its political, cultural, class, caste and other differences in favour of children’s rights. The local community, civil society and the State were to be equal partners to bring about a change in the lives of children.


The process of changing social norms

MVF’s field experience shows that changing long-held social norms is an arduous and slow, though not impossible, process. In every community there are examples of the poorest of parents supporting their children’s education; there are individuals who support child rights and are outraged by the plight of children; and there are poor boys and girls who have completed school and demonstrated the possibility of education. Then there are the constitutional values of equality and social justice that give strength to claim children’s rights. Above everything else, there is a moral imperative that gives the energy and legitimation to raise the awareness of the community and ask questions such as: “Is it fair and just to have thousands of children in our villages working as child labourers? Should they not all be in schools? What about their rights?”.

Changing social norms is a multi-pronged activity that has to take place at several levels and in different arenas. It is not a sequential process. It requires social mobilisation that is affective, emotionally fuelled and a work of care, love and empathy and which galvanises the support of the community, local institutions and their functionaries. MVF field mobilisers expose practices, attitudes, habits, culture and institutions that reinforce child labour. These issues are not discussed in a vacuum, instead they are brought up through campaigns, public meetings, posters, wall writings, street theatre and other modes that propel individual agency as well as collective action. Concrete instances of the release of children from the labour force and its impact on the child and the family are taken up while engaging with the community and serve as an example to hesitant parents and hardened employers. Gradually, the mindsets of the community begin to change, they internalize the new norm and become partners in the process of eradicating child labour and realizing education for all children. They are prepared to engage with local officials, and thereon with district and state level functionaries, to make them accountable for protecting the rights of children.


Rules of Engagement

MVF’s field practices are bound by certain internally evolved ground rules, such as recognising the indispensability of every person in the process of changing social norms. The most self-serving employer of children, the most stubborn parent, recalcitrant school teacher, corrupt functionary, indifferent politician, insensitive opinion maker, hardened underground Maoist cadre, rent seekers, thugs and local dons are all given equal importance and respect. The challenge is to win them over and change their hearts and minds so that they all become partners in the process of liberating children from labour and enrolling them in school. Nobody is treated as an adversary and everyone is a potential partner. The quarrel is not with the person but with the values they hold, and so the process of discussion and motivation carries on till there is a change in mindsets. For the MVF field mobiliser, the real victory is in getting these same persons to become children’s advocates and their partners in the movement against child labour and for education.

Another rule is that violence is to be shunned at all times. In the early phases of the project, there were several instances when field mobilisers experienced a risk to life, violence, boycott, abuse, insults and humiliation in the process of withdrawing a child from work, or preventing a child marriage. However, dialogue, discussion and engagement with patience are strictly adhered to at all times. The principle of universality requires that the discussion with the community does not stop until the original objective of reaching the last child has been achieved. Non-violence, as well as the process of dialogue and discussion, compels openness, transparency and inclusion. Non-violence is seen not only a moral force but also the only method to democratise societies.

The organization believes that the attitudes of individuals and functionaries of the State, and the roles of local institutions, are not static. Nor does it accept the stereotypical view that these functionaries have a vested interest in maintaining their own power and authority and would never work for the common good. It is in constantly engaging with local institutions as public institutions providing services, and with elected local functionaries as publicrepresentatives, and not as individuals belonging to a particular caste or community, that the possibility of changing institutional responses opens up. Engaging with these individuals is seen as an issue of governance that has to be corrected.


Locally relevant strategies

MVF’s strategies for changing social norms in the field are not guided by a toolkit or a manual, nor is there any blueprint for action. While the non-negotiable principle that no child should be at work and all children should be in school gives a clear focus and objective to field practices, the strategies for achieving this are not rigid or static. They are not transplanted from outside, nor are they pre-planned or anticipated at the verticals of the organisation, but develop organically and respond to needs as they arise and are locally designed and acceptable. They evolve on the basis of a community or group decision and address the specific constraints of the local environment. The experience and intuition of the field mobilisers helps to guide this process and discussions continue till the final goal of getting a child out of labour and into school and expanding the base of child defenders is reached.

Children’s agency

When children begin to exercise agency and demand their rights, parents are forced to give in to their attempts to exercise control over their lives. Children also use other means of negotiation like refusing to eat or speak till the parents relent and allow them to attend school or avoid early marriage. Similarly, the functionaries of public institutions are compelled to address the urgent and practical challenges posed by children’s determination to secure their rights. They can no longer hide behind arguments about the poverty of the parents, tradition and culture and structural constraints. Children’s acts of defiance against existing social norms compels the officials to utilise the policy mandates and legal instruments at their disposal and respond to children’s demands that their right to protection from labour and education should be secured. There are, however, limits to what local functionaries can do. Children’s voice and agency also confronts and lays bare the overall norms that shape governmental policies. These seemingly micro and local acts expose the larger structures of the economy, the politics of development and the priorities of the State.

Thus, the simple act of saying ‘no’ to one’s past and charting a new path disturbs the equilibrium, and has implications for radicalizing society. It can lead to fashioning a new set of traditions, cultures, values and norms based on respect for dignity, equity and justice for children. Exercising agency leads to shaping new destinies for the child, and hopefully galvanises the State and local society to embrace its responsibilities towards all children and their rights.


Measurement and data collection

Aspirations must lead to action, and action to outcomes. Any change in social norms regarding child labour and education should reflect in increased school attendance, reductions in child labour and an end to child marriages in the community. This is indeed the case in MVF’s programme areas where over a million children have been withdrawn from labour and enrolled into full-time, formal schools; 1500 villages are child labour free and all children are in school. In addition, 25,000 adolescent girls have been retained in school and 8000 child marriages have been prevented or pre-empted.

In addition, field mobilisers gather data on a regular basis on each child in the programme area. Specifically, information is gathered on their educational status and work profile, and specific information on members of their household is also recorded . This household level information is supplemented by comprehensive data collected from schools to assess attendance, absenteeism, and the outcome of annual exams. These two data bases allow the mobilisers to identify problems in the family, at school, or elsewhere and engage in a discussion with the relevant stakeholders and seek collective remedial action. The local data generated go well beyond baseline and endline surveys for gauging impact. They are used operationally on a continuous basis, contributing to the effectiveness of local initiatives and interventions, as well as a way of ensuring the widespread acceptance and ownership of the new norm.


Sustainability of new norms

The sustainability of new norms is judged by the ability of the community and its institutions to take independent actions with regard to monitoring and ensuring the rights of all children to education and protection from labour. Widespread acceptance of the new norm means that the organization can reduce its role and presence over a period of time. Once the new norm takes hold, the old framework rapidly begins to lose credibility and it is rare for the community to slide back to the previous situation. In the villages where all children have been successfully enrolled in formal school, the discussion has gradually shifted from whether children should be at work or in school, to the quality of education, teachers and school infrastructure and to facilitating access to high school so that children can continue their education beyond the village school. A similar change is discernible in the Ika Chaalu project areas where parents are no longer focused on arranging marriages for their adolescent daughters and are instead more concerned about how and where they can complete their secondary education.

Predictably, major upheavals and crises, such as the Covid-19 pandemic, with the extended lockdown, the closure of schools and residential hostels, and the loss of family income and livelihoods have put an enormous strain on families, potentially leading to a reversal in social norms. However, reports from the field offer some reassurance and confirm that show that the powerful alliance that was built between children, their families, the community, elected local representatives and functionaries of the State has gone a long way towards ensuring children’s rights even in these difficult circumstances.


Field mobilisers: key links in the chain

The field mobilisers are not recruited by advertisement, they emerge and develop organically from within and are deeply embedded in the culture, society and communities in which they work. They are immersed in the theory and practice of MVF, have internalised the organizational philosophy and run all aspects of the programme at the grassroots level. Their personal commitment, abilities, discipline and perseverance makes them into powerful strategists and tacticians, energizers and organisers. They can work independently and are equally skilled at planning, monitoring, implementation and data collection, as well as at campaigns, interacting with parents, teachers, police or local officials. These skills cannot be short-circuited at will – human, social and institutional capital takes time to construct and consolidate. They are the true carriers of the strategy for changing social norms and claiming children’s rights.


There are of course nuances in the processes of changing social norms in the context of gender equality and girls' educatio. The above process of norm change described has been adapted for the Ika Chaalu project to embrace the specificities of the gender issues confronting adolescent girls.


The Ika Chaalu project started in 2014 to universalize education for adolescent girls from 8 to 12th standard in three districts of Telangana: Rangareddy, Vikarabad and Suryapet. The project aims to keep girls in school or get them back in school, meanwhile addressing a broad range of obstacles that keep girls out of school such as gender discrimination, child labor, early marriage, cultural barriers, safety and security, adequate facilities, teacher presence and physical mobility. The goal is that all adolescent girls in the project area should be able to access and complete secondary education (up to and including 12th standard). The approach used in the Ika Chaalu project is based on the approach developed by MV Foundation (MVF) to eradicate child labor and universalize education.

The Ika Chaalu project is rooted in the belief that it is possible to change the patriarchal values that rule society, and thus the actions undertaken in the project are based on the possibility of a change in the social norms that are associated with or are a reflection of patriarchy. The project has its foundation in a rights-based approach; it is based on principles of equality, universality, social justice and claims on the State to meet its obligations. Universality is not only an underlying principle but also an integral part of the entire project approach. This means that everyadolescent girl in the designated project area is tracked and targeted, every girl is known, and data on them is collected and updated on a regular basis by the field mobilizers. Every girl is heard and motivated and the problems of each and every one of them are resolved. The project does not focus on specific target groups, like Dalits or Adivasis, victims of sexual abuse, child marriage, child labor or trafficked children. Every girl matters in the geographical area in which the project operates.


A set of non-negotiable principles, which were discussed with and agreed on by the girls during a state level conference, provide the framework for all interventions and strategies related to the work for adolescent girls’ education and gender equality.” These non-negotiables are:

  1. All girls must be in a full-time school or any full-time education stream until completion of 18 years.

  2. Girls and boys must enjoy equal opportunities to pursue education and build their capabilities.

  3. Presence in an education institution should be a pre-condition for building awareness on reproductive health care, sex education and life skills for both boys and girls.

  4. Arguments such as domestic work, distance to schools, lack of safety for girls, eve teasing, increase in dowry, sibling care, poverty, and pressure of marriage are mechanisms used to control girls’ bodily integrity and deny them education, choices, opportunities, mobility, autonomy, and are therefore unacceptable.

  5. The discourse on gender equality must be introduced into the school curriculum from Class 1 onwards.

  6. Youth clubs must be non-gendered, secular spaces where all members are equal, without distinctions of gender, caste, religion, disability or any other forms of discrimination.

  7. No girl should marry before attainment of 18 years of age. Child Marriage law must be amended to nullify marriage of all girls until 18 years of age.

  8. Even after attainment of 18 years, the girl’s decision and choice for her marriage is to be given full support.

The project carries out all its activities informed by these non-negotiables. The link between girls’ (continued) education, a campaign against gender violence and for gender equality and vice versa is inextricable and implies that all work and all activities need to carried out in a holistic way.


Ika Chaalu: converting sites of discrimination to sites for resolution of conflict.


Gender discrimination is pervasive in Telangana, as in the rest of India, and there are several sites where that becomes evident. The first site, of course, is the home. Discrimination at home is found in the division of labour, the hierarchy in eating, the lack of leisure time for girls, the fact that they do not get new clothes where boys do, the pressure of work and marriage, the norms of behaviour, and the lack of time and space given to girls for homework and exams. Girls have generally no freedom and mobility to visit friends, a market, public spaces or to walk alone without an escort. Unfortunately, violence and verbal abuse, beatings, insults and humiliation are considered “normal.” Many girls suffer from emotional anxiety and trauma, and have to deal with insinuations and suspicions from the communities they live in. Furthermore, for most girls the threat of child marriage looms over their life.


The second site, which should actually be a safe site, are schools. Schools should be safe spaces where all students are considered equal. However, practices of gender discrimination in schools include the uneven treatment of boys and girls, staff exercising controls over adolescent girls lest they have boyfriends, or even just friends who are boys. Girls are often given the tasks of cleaning the classrooms, school premises and toilets, while boys distribute textbooks, clean the blackboard and assist the teachers in monitoring the class. While boys are encouraged to play games, participate in sports activity and given sports material to play volleyball, football or cricket, girls are ignored or confined to play ‘kho kho’. Seldom do boys and girls have mixed participation in games. Boys also take an active role staying after school hours to plan and take up some responsibilities in celebrations of school functions like the Annual Day, Independence Day or Republic Day. In general, teachers pay less attention to the education of girls and their performance or even their names, often calling them by nicknames which the girls find derogatory. In addition, girls who are married and/or separated are denied access to education.


The third site of gender discrimination is in society. In society there is stigmatisation of girls for being vocal, strong, for having and expressing leadership qualities, for having personal aspirations, ambitions and goals. More often than not girls get stigmatised even when they are victims of violence and abuse, when they are married off in child marriage, or when they elope and get married.


The activities under the Ika Chaalu project aim at transforming sites of conflict to become sites for resolution of those conflicts in favour of girls’ education, a more equal situation at home, within the family, and the elimination of gender discrimination in the neighbourhood, schools, hostels and institutions. Furthermore, the goal is to change the attitude of teachers, elected officials and other government functionaries. Similarly, work is carried out to create awareness and transform sites of gender discrimination so that they become sites of gender equality.

To do so, the project not only works with adolescent girls directly, but also with boys, parents, teachers and community members. It is considered essential to build the capacities of Gram Panchayats (elected local bodies), School Management Committees, youth associations and women’s groups, as they are the key institutions that give support to girls and make it possible for them to not only assert and exercise agency but also to fulfil their aspirations.


Yet another site of conflict is the gaps in the legal and policy framework wherein the principles of universality, social justice and equality are compromised resulting in exclusion of children from claiming their rights. Therefore, there is a constant effort to make claims on the State to meet its obligations. The actions on the ground in combatting gender discrimination and enabling girls’ education gaps are identified in state and national laws and policies, like the POCSO act, Child Marriage Act, the Child and Adolescent Labour (Prohibition and Regulation) Act, and the Right to Education Act. A specific example of a gap in or issue with the law is the fact that the right to secondary education is lacking in the Right to Education Act.


This approach followed by the Ika Chaalu project is a gradually unfolding process which requires an enormous amount of dedication and personal involvement from the field mobilisers, from the girls themselves, indeed from everyone involved, but it does result in a significant and sustainable shift in practices, and in lasting gender norm change.

Ika Chaalu” - enough is enough. Adolescent girls assert their rights for gender justice and equality.


Ika Chaalu!

Sharirik Hinsa: Ikka Chaalu!

Mansik Hinsa: Ikka Chaalu!

Laingika Hinsa: Ikka Chaalu!


Enough is Enough!

Physical violence: enough is enough

Mental violence: enough is enough

Sexual violence: enough is enough


Ika Chaalu” has become the rallying cry of adolescent girls in parts of the Indian states of Telangana and Andhra Pradesh. It is a slogan coined by the girls themselves for a series of workshops organized at the village, district and state levels and attended by activists, policy makers and inspirational figures. They provide a platform where girls can speak up and speak out freely for their rights and shed light on issues of gender justice. When the girls say “Ika Chaalu” they use their voice to explain what they mean: they have had enough of all forms of gender-based violence and the rights-violations that they experience on a daily basis. The girls use this forum to demand access to education until the completion of Secondary School and an end to discrimination in all its forms. These workshops are electrifying events – the sense of empowerment and the clarity with which the girls analyze their situation as they go up to the podium to speak is palpable.


When the M.V. Foundation (MVF) and Charity Fund Rijsholt embarked on a project for adolescent girls in 2014, the main goal was to ensure universal education for girls in the 14-18 age group. MVF’s earlier work included very strong strategies to get all children out of labor and into school, and the project partners believed that the same approach would be useful for the older age-group as well. To start with it was important to document how many adolescent girls lived in the project area, and whether they were in or out of school. MVF staff and volunteers went door-to-door to gather this information. Every adolescent in the project area is now known, furthermore every girl is known, as is her situation - because every girl is important.


Girls’ groups have been formed at village and school levels, and so have “gender committees”- consisting of adolescent boys and girls who come together in a safe space, to dialogue, normalize interaction between boys and girls, foster understanding and enable change. MVF staff are always present to guide these discussions. Adolescents discuss gender issues, share their concerns and problems but also their dreams, and make it ‘normal’ to talk about gender inequalities.


The fact that they are organized in groups makes them stronger, they can support each other and know they have support in actually changing things in their communities, starting first with addressing gender inequalities and injustices within their families.


MVF staff and volunteers – who are a part of the community - speak regularly with parents, teachers, local government and schools to bring the whole community on board. As a result, the attitude within the community towards education and child marriages has significantly changed. The question why adolescent girls should be in school is no longer asked. Instead, there is a consensus that they should not work, nor should they be married, and their place is in school.

Girls who pass 8th and 10th standards, are informed of their options and they are supported in various ways to continue their studies to the next level. When girls are absent or don’t communicate, fellow group-members take action to ensure they don’t drop off the radar. They follow up through the right channels, be it mobilizers, teachers, local government bodies or police.


The structures that have been put in place have made it possible to have an adequate response to the needs of adolescent girls during the COVID-19 lockdown. While the situation is far from ideal, the adolescent groups and the intricate networks created have not disappeared, they have merely shifted online. Parents who had got used to their daughters being in school, were less hesitant to get a smartphone for them to follow online classes. Furthermore, since the adolescents in the project area are now comfortable discussing gender injustice and sensitive issues, they not only have the means but also the vocabulary to continue to reach out and to address their plight.

The girls strengthen their own resolve to fight for their rights and complete their secondary education.


Ika Chaalu: enough is enough is not just a slogan anymore for these girls, not just a rallying cry, but also the basis for action. Girls know it is their right to demand a better future, as well as a better today.


NB: The conventions and group meetings (girls’ groups and gender committees) will start again when the pandemic subsides.


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